The Candidate. Media relations handbook 

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

The text reviews The Candidate: A Media Relations Handbook (for politicians and journalists) (2008), by Julio César Herrero and Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá, as a practical handbook on political marketing aimed at managing the relationship between candidates and the media. It is emphasised that in Spain there is little literature ‘from within’ on this subject and that the central aim is to help communicate effectively in order to achieve electoral goals. The authors are briefly described and key ideas are introduced: political marketing seeks to ‘sell’ candidates and traditionally relied on the mainstream media, but today social media amplify phenomena such as filter bubbles. The handbook advises crafting messages that are impactful in form, using expressive resources without resorting to extravagance. Drawing on Sartori, it reflects on the power of the media and the risk of favouring celebrities over good leaders. It also distinguishes between anonymous sources and leaks, emphasising the journalistic duty to verify. In the post-truth era, ethical media coexists with disinformation and fake news. It is recommended to avoid technical jargon and to communicate clearly without oversimplifying. Finally, it lists the “principles of a good debater” and questions their compatibility with deliberative democracy, recalling the Sophist tradition and arguing that democratic quality depends on high-quality public deliberation.

Keywords: candidate, public deliberation, fake news, media, politics, politics as show business, rhetoric, sophists

In the series of posts about handbooks, this one will deal with the work The candidate. Media relations handbook (for politicians and journalists)/El candidato. Manual de relaciones con los medios (para políticos y periodistas), written by Julio César Herrero and Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá in 2008. It seems that political candidates have to deal with the media, and with journalists, to achieve their objectives. This book seeks to give practical and entertaining advice on various situations, and how best to deal with them, in the world of communication. 

Julio César Herrero is a journalist, university professor, writer and specialist in political communication and marketing born in Mieres, Asturias, in 1973. He holds a PhD in Journalism from the Complutense University of Madrid and has developed an outstanding career in the academic, journalistic and political consultancy fields. He maintains a personal website

Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá (Catarroja, Valencia, 1971) is a Spanish scriptwriter, creative artist, journalist, playwright and television format creator with a diverse career in media, advertising and political communication.

The following are commentaries of the excerpts from the book El candidato. Manual de relaciones con los medios (para políticos y periodistas), written by Julio César Herrero and Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá in the style of Minerva Strategy Blog.

“This book is, in essence, a political marketing handbook. Most of the literature that exists on the subject it deals with is American. Unfortunately, in Spain, hardly any texts have been published that deal, from the inside, with the subject of this one: the relations between politicians and the media from a practical point of view” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 11).

One of the usual objectives of marketing is to sell products and, by extension, political marketing seeks to sell candidates or parties in electoral contests. The goal of the latter is to get people to vote and the medium, traditionally, has been the mainstream media, especially television. Currently, social networks are of great importance, with phenomena such as the “filter bubbles“, where the personalisation of preferences for users on the network, means that they only receive news or messages in line with their ideology, and never views from other perspectives.  

“Shocking. Making statements that, not so much in substance but in form, catch the journalist’s attention is the best way for them to become a headline (in ‘cut’ and radio, in ‘soundbite’ for television). It is by no means about being alarming or extravagant in the statements, but it is about being original. The use of analogies, metaphors or other literary devices makes the language break out of the routine and catches the eye” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 49). 

In his work Homo Videns. La sociedad teledirigida/ Homo Videns: The Remote-Controlled Society, Sartori talked about how television changed democracy. It is worth reflecting on how social networks can change the practice of democratic societies, for example, by encouraging political activism or accountability, but also by giving fuel to demagogy and disinformation. 

One of the issues that Sartori points out is that what is relevant nowadays is to appear in the media; this gives media power, as opposed to the former prestige of intellectuals. When political parties look for a candidate, they prefer a profile such as a sportsman or an actor, or similar, who already have media power. However, the media power of someone does not guarantee that they have the virtues of a good governor or public representative.

“When journalists use information from unnamed sources, they often use expressions such as “according to well-informed sources”, “sources close to” or “according to one of the advisers”, depending on the extent to which the journalist wishes to indicate the provenance of the information.

Up to this point, reference has been made to circumstances where the journalist knows the identity of the source, but chooses not to reveal it. It is a different matter when the journalist does not know the identity of the source. In this case, we are dealing with a leak. Information that is always of interest to the journalist, but which he or she is unaware that he or she is providing it. It is the journalist’s obligation to check the data before publishing or disseminating it” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 72).

This is still the case in general terms, but there is a new element to take into account in the post-truth and social media era: disintermediation. There are conventional media, which are usually committed to the principles of professional journalistic ethics, such as the search for truth, impartiality or honesty. Nowadays, in social networks and in some media, issuers of disinformation coexist, which has several variants, the best known of which are fake news. There is great controversy about this concept, and its viability as a political weapon/etiquette, however, there is a broad consensus on its deliberate intention to deceive or confuse. Once again, we reiterate the importance of following the duties, values and virtues of journalistic deontology, which make up the ideal profile that information professionals must have.   

“Do not abuse technical jargon. Jargon, i.e. terms specific to a trade or profession, can be used in a speech as long as they are not abused. It depends on the audience you are addressing. If they are specialised listeners, there will be no problem in using terms that only the politician and the audience are familiar with: no one else should understand them, although this is not usual. But if the audience does not master a subject in which technical terms are frequently used, the politician will have to make an effort to translate these terms so that the listeners can understand what he or she is saying” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 107).  

This handbook with the media refers to the fact that the candidate must simplify complex issues or terms in order to be understood by wide audiences. Ortega y Gasset is credited with saying that clarity is the courtesy of the philosopher. It is important to be clear in public discourse, but one must know how to communicate well, at the risk of falling into simplification, manichaeism or demagoguery. Political issues do not usually have black/white solutions, but it is necessary for politics to become a good pedagogy to explain the management of the range of greys that make up public affairs. 

Fundamental principles of a good polemicist 

“1.-A good polemicist never tries to convince his opponent of anything. 

2.-A good polemicist chooses the sector of the audience he wants to address. 

3.-The good polemicist is the first to define the terms of the debate.

4.- A good polemicist prefers to ask questions rather than answer them. 

5.- A good polemicist repeats, repeats and, if there is time, repeats. 

6.- A good polemicist knows how to use the same argument in several ways. 

7.- A good polemicist, perhaps a very good debater, wins with his own weapons, but above all, fundamentally, with those of his opponent.

8.- The good polemicist handles fallacies to perfection and strives to prevent the other side from using them. If he succeeds, he exposes and ridicules them so that the audience can decide” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá,2008, 124-134). 

I would like to conclude with reflections on the Fundamental Principles of the Good Polemicistwhich is proposed in this handbook. As mentioned at the beginning, the aim of this work is political marketing from a practical perspective and, for such a goal, the effectiveness of this advice could be contextualised. 

The ideal of deliberative democracy, where debates allow for persuading and being persuaded, participants are rational and reasonable, and agreements can be forged based on fairness or unanimity, would seem to have limited effect in practical politics, as actors are more interested in following the tactics of good polemicists.

In the end, there is nothing new under the sun. Many centuries ago, the sophists educated in rhetorical tactics and strategies, to increase the power of conviction of their pupils, citizens of the polis of Athens, to debate public affairs in the Agora. This was a form of education for democracy, which was based on good polemicists. Now, as then, it is easier to fall into polemics than to engage in good dialogues, when it is obvious that the quality of democracy is improved by the quality of public deliberation. 

References

Herrero, Julio César, Rodríguez Chuliá, Amalio (2008), El candidato. Manual de relaciones con los medios (para políticos y periodistas), Sevilla, Zamora: Comunicación Social. Ediciones y Publicaciones.

Herrero, Julio César (2024),”JCH”, Available: https://juliocesarherrero.es

(Last visit: 2 de May 2026).

Sartori, Giovanni (2012), Homo videos. La sociedad teledirigida, Madrid: Taurus.

The Power of a Positive No

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

This paper examines William Ury’s The Power of a Positive No (2008) and its contribution to negotiation theory and interpersonal communication. The central argument is that saying no effectively is not an act of rejection alone, but a disciplined practice that balances personal interests, legitimate power, and the preservation of relationships. Ury shows that people often respond to difficult situations by accommodating, attacking, or avoiding, yet these reactions rarely produce constructive outcomes. As an alternative, he proposes the framework of the “positive No,” structured as “Yes! No. Yes?”: the first yes affirms one’s core interests, the no sets a clear boundary, and the second yes opens the way to a respectful and workable agreement. The analysis also highlights the importance of developing a strong Plan B, or BATNA, as a source of positive power in negotiation. Additional emphasis is placed on brainstorming alternatives, building supportive coalitions, anticipating the other party’s moves, and assessing worst-case scenarios. Overall, the book presents a practical method for defending one’s rights and interests while sustaining dialogue and cooperation.

Keywords: principled, negotiation, emotions, interests, positions,

After his work Getting Past No (1997), William Ury wrote another work entitled The Power of a Positive No (2008)In this new original book, he explains how to face one of the most challenging things we must do every day: to say no to people who work with us, who we love, and with whom we have relationships of various kinds. As Ury says: “No is the biggest challenge today” (Ury, 2008, 10).

The analysis in this book starts from the consideration that: “It may not be the most important word in our vocabulary, but it is the hardest to say well”. The special idiosyncrasy of this term is linked to the inherent tension between exercising your power and tending your relationship. Thus, in certain situations, Ury describes three common ways out:

a) Accommodate: say-yes-when-you-want-to-say-no (Ury, 2008, 11). This is especially frequent when we want to maintain the personal relationship by making concessions.

b) Attacking: be-passive-aggressive-when-saying-no (Ury, 2008, 12). It is the opposite of accommodating. It is about using power without any consideration for the relationship. It is linked to anger or rage.

c) Avoidance: we-say-no-absolutely-nothing (Ury, 2008, 13). In these cases, communication and relationships are suspended. It is a way of coping with problems by avoiding people.

As can be imagined, these three ways out do not lead to success, and Ury’s proposal in this book is to affirm a positive No. Then the author summarises his formula: “A positive No is a Yes! No. Yes? The first Yes expresses your interests, the Noaffirms your power, and the second Yes strengthens your relationship. A positive No balances power and relationship in service of your interests (Ury, 2008, 17).

The first Yes could be seen as internally focused – the assertion of one’s own interests – and the second Yes is externally focused -an invitation to the other to come to an agreement that satisfies those interests-. In this post, I will focus on the elements that give power to your No.

Saying No is not easy. Ury suggests that positive power must be developed, which is achieved by having a plan B. It is a matter of considering the worst-case scenario and seeing the possibilities one would have to achieve one’s objectives (Ury, 2008, 61-63).

Plan B is also called BATNA (Best Alternative to a Negotiated Agreement). It is not an option to an agreement but an alternative to the agreement, a course of action that can be taken independently of the agreement with the other party. A better BATNA gives more bargaining power. A plan B is positive power; it does not mean punishing the other party. It is a strategic element that can condition the negotiation and must be considered.

The key question, then, is how to strengthen your plan B. One element that can help is brainstorming, where you use your imagination to develop various possible solutions without looking at their feasibility. Alternatives to a given situation should be carefully considered. These may include a) Do it yourself: achieve your goals by your own means without going to the other party; b) Run away: sometimes a possible way out is to end the relationship; c) Third party: sometimes the intervention of a third party as an intermediary is positive (Ury, 2008, 64-65).

Along with building a powerful No, Ury recommends “building a winning coalition”. In each situation, allies with similar interests should be sought, and a common action plan can be addressed.

The key to the various interactions is information, especially about the interests and opinions of the other party. Ury advises, “anticipate the other’s next move”. Foreseeing likely courses of action and possible responses is strategically relevant. Anticipation gives a strategic advantage to the foresighted (Ury, 2008, 66-68).

From this perspective, Ury argues that one should consider the worst-case scenario. It would be to put yourself in the position of checking what you could lose in the negotiation, on the one hand, and what plan B or BATNA is, on the other hand.

In conclusion, Ury reaffirms your decision to decide No in three questions: “Do you have the interest? Do you have the power? Do you have the right?” (Ury, 2008, 71). This point must be complemented with other negotiating elements, allowing you to reach efficient and intelligent agreements, from different interactions, based on building a positive No.

References

Ury, William (1997), Supere el No. Cómo negociar con personas que adoptan posiciones inflexibles, Barcelona: Ediciones Gestión 2000, trad. Adriana de Hassan. (original title: Gettig past No, 1991)

Ury, William (2008), The Power of a Positive No. How To Say No & Still Get to Yes, London: Hodder & Stoughton.