Tag: politics

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Francisco de Quevedo, advice on politics and government

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

The text presents Francisco de Quevedo (1580–1645) as a central figure of the Spanish Baroque and notes that, in addition to his literary fame, he had a lesser-known political side. Drawing on passages from The Politics of God and the Government of Christ, it highlights advice on the exercise of power and the virtues of a ruler. Quevedo warns against the ambitious minister who considers himself equal to or superior to the king: envy and greed turn him into a disloyal servant and a potential tyrant, which is why responsibility must be exercised with integrity and loyalty. He also maintains that reigning is a demanding task: public life requires constant work and rejects idleness, an analogy which the author links to the academic vocation understood as total dedication. A key idea is ‘obedience’ as the king’s foremost virtue, understood not as humiliation but as submission to reason, piety and the law; he who obeys these criteria governs better than he who commands without limits. The example of Alfonso of Aragon illustrates patience and a willingness not to demand obedience when what is ordered is unjust, which connects with classical debates on the authority, validity and justice of rules.

Keywords: Philosophy, loyalty, obedience, idleness

Francisco de Quevedo y Villegas was born in Madrid in 1580 and died in Villanueva de los Infantes, Ciudad Real, Spain, in 1645. He distinguished himself as a nobleman, politician and one of the most significant writers of the Baroque period in Spain. He studied Theology at the University of Valladolid, where he became a poet of great renown and wrote in opposition to his contemporary, Luis de Góngora. He cultivated all literary genres, but stood out chiefly for his great mastery of language, including his highly ironic style.
Francisco de Quevedo’s political side is largely unknown to the public.

Below, we will discuss excerpts from his work Política de Dios y gobierno de Cristo, sacada de la Sagrada Escritura para acierto del Rey y reino en sus acciones (1986)/ God’s policy and Christ’s rule, drawn from Holy Scripture to guide the King and the kingdom in their actions in the style of the Minerva Strategy Blog.

“No servant, nor minister of the King, is one who displays such grandeur that he is not merely equal to his king, but superior to him; such a man covets the crown; he is a rival for power; a tyrant, raised on the breast of favour, and nourished and grown by the arrogance of ignorance and greed” (Quevedo, 1986, 55). 

Envy is a poor guide. In this case, the minister is eager to take the crown and acts with duplicity and disloyalty. Each day has enough trouble of its own, and it is good to know how to fulfil one’s responsibilities at every moment, with diligence, integrity and loyalty. Positions are a learning experience for the future.

It is often said in Spanish, “Do not serve those who have served.” This phrase is attributed to Antonio Cánovas del Castillo and implies a certain notion of elitism, whereby only those of the same standing should be able to hold positions of influence. In my view, it is precisely because one has served that one can set a good example of how to treat a subordinate.

“Reigning is a task; that the duties of a ruler demand more sweat than the plough, and sweat drawn from the very veins; that the crown is a burdensome weight, which wearies the shoulders of the soul before it does the body’s strength; that palaces, for the idle prince, are tombs of a dead life, and for the one who attends to them, a scaffold of a living death—this is affirmed by the glorious memories of those enlightened princes who did not tarnish their legacies, counting among their crowned years not a single hour without labour.” (Quevedo, 1986, 144-154).

Those who devote themselves to public life should spend their days working, not idling away. This reminds me of a story I heard at the University of Oxford about the scholarship profession being viewed as a kind of priesthood, where academic life demands calling/vocation and total dedication, which is reflected in the personal and formative influence on students that goes beyond simply delivering lectures. Once again, the question arises as to what virtues those in government should have, and what virtues professors should have.

“The foremost virtue of a king is obedience; for, being well aware of the value of temperance and moderation, it enables him to rule with gentleness whilst exercising supreme power. Obedience is no humiliation for monarchs, who, as men of great spirit, recognise their subjection to reason, piety and the Law. He who obeys these rules, rules well, and he who rules without having obeyed them torments rather than governs” (Quevedo, 1986, 162-163). 

This is a reflection on Political Philosophy that challenges the notion of unlimited power. It sounds paradoxical to advise the king —the sovereign— on the virtue of obedience, but Quevedo makes it seem reasonable. First, by appealing to temperance and moderation, virtues already highlighted by Aristotle, and, second, by setting reason, piety and the laws as a guide.

That those in power obey the Law is a fundamental principle of the Rule of Law. It is desirable that they act rationally, as it would be hard to accept being ruled by someone like Nero. It would be commendable if they were compassionate, as the plight of the most vulnerable would be taken into account.

“The great and magnanimous King Alfonso of Aragon (whom all nations rightly call the Wise) possessed such learned and unyielding patience that he not only tolerated being defied—as was seen in the case of the soldier who insolently stopped him in public in Naples— but, not content merely to forgive them, he rewarded those who spoke ill of him; nor did he permit others to be spoken of in his presence, as happened with those who remarked on Nicolo Pichinino’s low birth. Not only did he not object to them disobeying him, but he commanded all his advisers not to obey him in matters where he ordered contrary to reason; and to the ministers who were subject to these superiors, he commanded that they should not obey them in matters that were not just” (Quevedo, 1986, 195-196). 

This reminds me of the Euthyphro dilemma, which Plato first raised. There is a version involving God, which would ask: “Is the good good because God commands it, or does God command it because it is good?”

There is another way of framing this dilemma in terms of the concept of sovereignty, which might be: “A rule is valid because the sovereign authority enacts it —Hobbes, Austin—, or the authority enacts it because it is just —Thomas Aquinas—.”

King Alfonso of Aragon urged people not to obey him in matters that were neither reasonable nor just. It would seem, then, that obedience may involve further considerations beyond mere legal validity. Entire libraries are devoted to debating these issues, which are of interest to the Philosophy of Law. This dilemma is typically addressed from either a formalist or a material perspective.

References

Quevedo y Villegas, Franciso de (1986), Política de Dios y gobierno de Cristo sacad de la Sagrada Escritura para acierto de rey y reino en sus acciones, Swan, Real Sitio de Lorenzo del Escorial. 

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Nelson Mandela, Life, Love, and Courage

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

The text presents Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (1918–2013) as a key leader in the struggle against apartheid and, following 27 years in prison, as the architect of South Africa’s first democratically elected government committed to racial equality (1994–1999). It highlights the decisive role of his negotiations with F. W. de Klerk in the early 1990s in dismantling segregation and facilitating a peaceful transition, an achievement that culminated in the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize. Drawing on passages from Richard Stengel’s book, the article analyses how his prison experience shaped his character: the absence of external control forced him to exercise self-discipline and moderate his reactions, fostering virtues such as prudence and temperance. Courage, in his view, is not innate, but a choice demonstrated through decisions that challenge one’s own well-being. The essay also highlights a leadership style that combines symbolism and teamwork: Mandela understands that a collective goal requires empowering others, delegating and sharing responsibility. Finally, he is described as a man of an unwavering principle—equal rights—and of great tactical pragmatism, reconciling the ethics of conviction with the ethics of responsibility.

Keywords: courage, ethics of conviction, ethics of responsibility, leadership, moderation and prudence, teamwork

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born in Mvezo, South Africa, in 1918, and died in Johannesburg, South Africa, in 2013. A South African activist and politician who led the movements against apartheid and who, after a long struggle and 27 years in prison, presided over the first government, from 1994 until 1999, that respected racial equality, which affected the majority of the Black population.

His negotiations in the early 1990s with South African President F. W. de Klerk helped bring an end to the system of racial segregation known as apartheid in the country and paved the way for a peaceful transition to majority rule. In 1993, Mandela and De Klerk received a joint Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts.

In this series of posts on leadership, we will now examine passages from the book Richard Stengel titled Mandela’s Way. Fifteen Lessons on Life, Love, and Courage, from the style of the Minerva Strategy Blog

“How did his passionate revolutionary become a measured statesman? In prison, he had to temper his responses to everything. There was little a prisoner could control. The only thing you could control – that you had to control – was yourself. There was no room for outbursts or self-indulgence or a lack of discipline. He had no zone of privacy” (Stengel, 2009, 15). 

There is a reference to a shift in Mandela’s character towards moderation as a result of his 27 years in prison. It is difficult to imagine how one might adapt to such a prolonged period of imprisonment and what consequences this has for one’s view of the world. It is certainly worth reflecting on the role of hardship in shaping one’s education and character. Exceptionally difficult situations require the development of coping mechanisms and, in this way, shape one’s character. One becomes virtuous by acting virtuously. The moral habits and dispositions that are forged in the face of adversity will serve as the best reminder, shaping one’s character, that the difficult period has been overcome.

A saying attributed to Aristotle states that ‘the roots of education are bitter, but its fruits are sweet.’ Moderation is linked to the virtues of prudence and temperance. Mandela’s many years in prison transformed him into a moderate statesman, which speaks volumes about his human values. It is his characteristic leadership style. Others, by contrast, would foster division in a spirit of vengeance.

“Most people would say that Nelson Mandela personifies courage. But Mandela himself defines courage in a curious way. He does not see it as innate, as a kind of elixir we can drink, or as something we learned in any conventional way. He sees it as the way we choose to be. None of us is born courageous, we would say; it is all in how we react to different situations” (Stengel, 2009, 23).  

Courage is demonstrated through actions, not rhetoric. Every biography has examples of courage, even if the events are later disputed. Courage is evident in situations where the decisions involved conflict with one’s own well-being. Being courageous thus becomes the difficult path, and there are usually fewer who choose it.

“He understood that some part – quite a large part – of leadership is symbolic, and he was a splendid symbol. But he knew that he could not always be in front, and that one great goal could die unless he empowered others to lead. In the language of basketball, he wanted the ball, but he understood that he had to pass to others and let them shoot. Mandela genuinely believed in the virtues of the team, and he knew that to get the best out of his own people, he had to make sure that they partook of the glory and, even more important, that they felt they were influencing his decisions”  (Stengel, 2009, 75).  

An essential part of leadership is knowing how to share it, even if that sounds somewhat paradoxical. There are people with vibrant, charismatic and unique personalities, but at the end of the day, we are all human beings, and that means we have limitations and are subject to circumstances. It is good to know how to work as a team and how to delegate. Creating a working culture based on shared values and sharing successes collectively and with those who make decisions, as well as knowing how to take responsibility when something goes wrong.  

“Nelson Mandela is a man of principle – exactly one: equal rights for all, regardless of race, class, or gender. Pretty much everything else is a tactic. It seems like an exaggeration – but to a degree very few people suspect, Mandela is a thoroughgoing pragmatist who was willing to compromise, change, adapt, and refine his strategy as long as it got him to the promised land” (Stengel, 2009, 103). 

This reminds me of Max Weber’s discussion of ethics and politics. The ethics of conviction is based on ideals and beliefs and applies to everyone. The ethics of responsibility is based on the consequences of actions and is a form of ethics specific to politicians. The question arises as to whether these two forms of ethics are compatible in politics. Nelson Mandela’s approach is that his ethics of conviction lead him to defend equal rights based on the inalienable principle of equal human dignity. At the same time, he advocated an ethics of responsibility, whereby politicians must evaluate their actions in terms of their consequences. And this implies a specific choice between means and ends, a strategy, a key element of political rationality.

References

Stengel, Richard (2009), Mandela’s way. Fifteen Lessons on Life, Love, and Courage, New York: Crown Publishers, preface by Nelson Mandela.

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Vicente Montano, Arcane of Princes

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

Manuel Martín Rodríguez’s preliminary study on Arcano de Príncipes argues, following Cánovas del Castillo and Robert S. Smith, that there is a 17th-century manuscript considered to be a precursor to Malthus. Smith documents that this manuscript, found in the National Library, is not anonymous: it is signed by Captain Vicente Montano and dated 19 September 1681. It is not, however, a demographic treatise, but rather a compilation of political precepts comparable to Machiavelli and Bodin, dedicated to the Duke of Medinaceli, minister to Charles II. Drawing on fragments annotated ‘in the style of Minerva’s Strategy’, several theses are highlighted: the utility of war and provisioning as means to distract and subdue the people (‘bread and circuses’); the advisability of avoiding perpetual provincial governments to reduce resistance and the risks of corruption; and the use of ambiguity and obscure language as a technique of simulation and dissimulation to legitimise decisions without revealing their true aims. Finally, the strategic relationship between war and peace is examined, along with the place of truth in government action, highlighting the Machiavellian logic of the preservation of power.

Keywords: Machiavellianism, bread and circuses, accountability

In Manuel Martín Rodríguez’s preliminary study of the work Arcano de Príncipes /Arcane of Princes in the edition published by the Spanish Centre for Constitutional Studies/Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, it is argued that Cánovas del Castillo was the first to mention an anonymous manuscript that was a true precursor to Malthus (Martín Rodríguez, 1986, XIII).  As Robert S. Smith explains in the article “Spanish Malthusianism in the 17th Century“: “A recent search in the National Library in Madrid has uncovered a manuscript entitled Arcano de Príncipes, which is clearly the work consulted by Cánovas del Castillo, although it is not the copy he used. The manuscript in the National Library bears the name of its author, Captain Vicente Montano, and is dated 19 September 1681″ (Smith, 1955, 351).

Smith adds: “The Arcano de Príncipes is not a treatise on population but rather a compilation of political precepts comparable to the writings of Machiavelli, Bodin and (among Spaniards) Saavedra Fajardo. The essay is dedicated to the Duke of Medinaceli, chamberlain and prime minister of Charles II” (Smith, 1955, 351).  Once again, political philosophers are close to the exercise of power, although they do not wield it, and seek to provide the best advice for the exercise of public responsibilities, a fruitful combination of Theory and Practice.

Next, excerpts from Vicente Montano’s Arcano de Príncipes will be discussed in the style of Estrategia Minerva Blog.

“The surest occupation, and one that brings princes the benefit for which they seek it, is to wage war as soon as the common people begin to discuss the government, for, contenting themselves with talking only about matters pertaining to the public state, they extend their curiosity to abundance, since, once war is waged, they usually buy their daily sustenance, and in this way, having nothing to do but eat, and their thoughts being base and vile, they never raise their spirits to sublime and painful things that might give their princes cause for concern. The satirist Juvenal understood well, in two words, the way to keep it more pleasant, which is to give it bread and festivals, a sentence that applies to all domains” (Montano, 1986, 18).

How beautifully expressed in these lines is the universal principle of “panem et circenses” (bread and circuses)! It seems that in Rome they already knew how to manipulate the people based on their appetites. The incisive point made by Captain Montano is that the way to entertain the people was to wage war, which would greatly occupy their conversations, combined with an abundance of food, resulting in minimal problems for the government. A universal recipe for politics, since Juvenal. 

“The present King of France, having recognised that the perpetual governments enjoyed by the Princes of the blood had at other times served as a support to give greater rigour to the concerns of the Kingdom, has divided the provinces in another way, varying their governors and changing them when he sees fit. The dignitaries of a monarchy should not remain in the government of the provinces for life, because when a new successor is appointed, they find it very difficult to relinquish their command” (Montano, 1986, 46). 

Holding public office for many years gives incumbents a wealth of experience, but, as is often pointed out, there is a greater risk of corruption. If constitutionalism emerged as an approach that sought to affirm that all power had limits in the face of absolutism, democracy implies that public officials must be accountable for their actions. This means explaining the actions taken, justifying them, and being rewarded or punished for them. This is linked to transparency and accountability as inherent characteristics of a democracy of quality.

“There are many traces, maxims, and stratagems that the Prince can use to make the world believe that everything he does is based on reason and justice, without the common people being able to penetrate any of his operations, deceiving even the wisest and most prudent so that they do not recognise the ambiguity of his intentions, however great they may be, dressing his speeches in obscure words and profound concepts, even when he appears to be making himself clearly understood” (Montano, 1986, 52-53). 

This paragraph seems to have been written by Machiavelli, who can be interpreted  in different ways, some more elitist, others more republican. One possible reading is that he recommends that rulers engage in simulation and dissimulation to achieve their predetermined objectives, without any necessary link to morality. This is political rationality, which has its own rules and is autonomous from ethics and religion. In this paragraph of Arcano de Príncipes, we sense the Machiavellian Machiavelli giving stark advice. 

“And except for some ministers of the first rank, who share the burden of government, the rest of the subordinates must live as blind as the lowest common people. However, to completely blindfold the vassals, and make them believe that the Prince is working for their greater good and tranquillity, he must flatter them with the peace they have so desired during the war, without them being able to see through this deception. Having already disturbed the peace by the desire for war, he cannot abandon war for the sake of peace, because in peace the vassals do not die except in accordance with the merits of their crimes, but in war, the innocent and the guilty share the same fate” (Montano, 1986, 53).

Vicente Montano combines two variables: the role of truth in politics and the strategic use of war and peace. As mentioned above, Arcano de Príncipes is in line with Machiavelli’s thought, where political expediency, and among these, the main one of remaining in power, must guide the actions of the ruler, who must publicly maintain an irreproachable and convincing position, the result of hypocrisy towards their true interests. Using war and peace within political calculations is regrettable but common. Wars often cause many casualties and irreparable damage, and it would be desirable for exceptional situations to elicit exceptional responses. However, this point of view is not always shared.  

References

Montano, Vicente (1986), Arcano de príncipes, Madrid: Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, preliminary study of  Manuel Martín Rodríguez.

Smith, Robert S. (1955), “Maltusianismo español del siglo XVII: el Arcano de príncipes de Vicente Montano”, El Trimestre Económico, 22(87), 350–358. Available: https://www.eltrimestreeconomico.com.mx/index.php/te/article/view/2417 (Las visit: 2 May 2026).

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The demagogue’s handbook

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

The text presents Raoul Frary’s Manual of the Demagogue, published in Spanish by Sequitur, translated and edited by Miguel Catalán, and offers an ironic commentary on various passages, in the style of *Estrategia Minerva*. Following a brief biographical note on the author (1842–1892), Fernando Savater’s summary is included: Frary writes like a seasoned politician instructing an aspiring demagogue, that is, someone who seeks to guide others for their own benefit. The text highlights that the work combines serious matters with humour and deliberate frivolity, inviting reflection.

In the passages discussed, praise is highlighted as a demagogic tool: effective flattery must appear sincere and ‘genuine’, avoiding anything crude, even if it may be excessive. Political ‘dogma’ is also explained as a form of faith: it does not matter whether it is true or clear, but rather that it is believed and that the believer feels proud. Frary contrasts the moralist, who promotes responsibility and moderation, with the demagogue, who attributes success to chance and shifts blame onto laws and fate. Finally, he analyses the use of envy and inequality: he warns against their demagogic exploitation, noting that reducing legitimate inequalities is no simple task.

Keywords: demagogy, envy, politics, praise

I will continue with the series dedicated to handbooks, with the book Manual del demagogo (The demagogue’s handbook), written by Raoul Frary. This work is published in Spanish by Sequitur, and the editing and translation are by Miguel Catalán.

The author of the book, Henry François Raoul Frary, born on 17 April 1842 in Tracy-le-Mont and died on 19 April 1892 in Plessis-Bouchard, was a French professor, journalist and essayist.

According to Fernando Savater’s summary in a column entitled “Consejos (Advices)“, Frary wrote this pamphlet “with the advice of a seasoned politician to an aspiring demagogue, that is, to guide others by pulling the reins and obtaining the best benefits for himself.” In the prologue, Miguel Catalán describes the author as an “idealist disguised as a cynic.” The irony and sense of humour that permeate the lines of this work are remarkable. While dealing with very serious issues, the tone used is somewhat frivolous, which invites complicity and reflection.  

Next, excerpts from Raoul Frary’s work Manual del demogogo will be discussed, in the style of Minerva Strategy Blog.

“Let us emphasise from the outset that praise is never strong enough. It is not good to be rude, but there is no problem with being excessive in flattery. Rarely are so many good things said about us as we think we deserve (…) The least justified compliments are often the most welcome: they are more novel. Persuading an apathetic person of their courage, a debauched person of their wisdom, and a fool of their intelligence is the pinnacle of art. But one must know how to act with delicacy and not bring the censer out into the public sphere. Success is achieved by using tact and choosing your evidence well” (Frary, 2017, 33).

Flattery is one of the favourite weapons of demagogues. Nothing pleases the ears more than praising words that applaud the audience. While this is true as a general principle, there is a real art to praise. This is because praise, to have the best effect, must appear sincere or be the subject of serious analysis. Excessive flattery can backfire by coming across as artificial and insincere, material for gullible people who do not question the true intentions of those who use so many flattering expressions. 

“Herein lies one of the secrets of demagoguery, if I may call a method whose excellence is obvious a secret. All the passions and interests of the world would not suffice without the pride of faith. The French during the Revolution would not have endured such a harsh government, such severe deprivation and such terrible dangers, if they had not felt so flattered by the promulgation of a new dogma (…) it is not necessary for the dogma to be true, nor for it to be noble, nor for it to be clear and understandable. It is enough that it is believed and that the believer feels proud to believe”  (Frary, 2017, 36).

Parallels are sometimes drawn between religion and politics. Here, we seek to reflect on attitudes towards political beliefs that are assimilated into the dogmatism of a faith, into the beliefs of a religious believer. Ideologies tend to have a conception of the world —values about what society or human beings should be— where they often mix scientific knowledge with emotional components and a powerful mobilising effect. Frary warns that these political ideologies have elements of religious faith and that this motivates their believers. This brings to mind some current debates, raised from sectarian perspectives, where people always want to be right, leaving no room for temperance, tolerance and consensus.   

“The moralist teaches us patience, sobriety in pleasures, moderation in desires, and the consequences of our efforts. He constantly directs our attention to those who have succeeded through their own merit and those who have fallen through their mistakes. He reduces the responsibility of Fortune and increases our own responsibility. He diminishes the power of laws and enhances the power of customs. The demagogue does just the opposite. He asserts that Fortune distributes her gifts blindly, that success is due to chance, perhaps even to vice, that the unfortunate are victims of an artificial fatality, that misery is inevitable in today’s society. Far from exhorting us to become better, he does not even admit that it depends on us. If our habits are bad, he pretends to ignore them; he does not suspect that the weaknesses of our behaviour reinforce the difficulties of our existence. He rails against social climbers and ridicules edifying tales of morality put into practice. He diminishes the responsibility of customs in all things in order to increase that of laws. He does not instil patience in us, nor does he make us reflect on our fault” (Frary, 2017, 45).

In this passage, Frary compares the moralist and the demagogue, whose aims and advice differ greatly. The former exhorts moderation and a responsible approach to life, while the latter does not call for a change in behaviour, since success is due to chance, appealing to the responsibility of laws rather than customs. However, the fundamental difference between the two is omitted in Frary’s text: the demagogue has spurious aims, generally to obtain his own benefit or that of his group, while the moralist would generally seek the good of those he seeks to advise.

“The envious person says to himself: ‘Inequality is unjust. It is possible, and even easy, to eliminate it. If it is eliminated, it will benefit me.’ If you want to stir up demagogic envy and use it to your advantage, you can never emphasise these three propositions enough, to place them beyond all doubt, to root them ever more deeply in people’s minds and hearts” (Frary, 2017, 56).

There are entire libraries dedicated to the subject of this paragraph from the work Manual del demagogo. The Spanish Royal Academy of Language defines envy as “sadness or regret for the good fortune of others.” There are people who suffer greatly from the successes of others, and the worst thing about envy is the actions it sometimes provokes from the envious person. On the other hand, the fight against certain social and economic inequalities is the legitimate objective of the social and democratic rule of law. Frary’s reasoning takes an argumentative leap when he asserts that it is easy to eliminate inequality. First, we must distinguish what type of inequality we are dealing with, whether it affects politics (inclusion), economy (redistribution) or culture (recognition). If the ultimate goal is to eliminate inequality, it will not be easy, but it is a task that can engage society. However, Frary was warning against the demagogic use of inequality, linked to envy. And again, the question is: What are the demagogue’s objectives?

References

Frary, Raoul (2017), Manual del demagogo, Madrid: Sequitur, trad. Miguel Catalán.

Savater, Fernando “Consejos”, El País, 29-10-2016. Disponible: https://elpais.com/elpais/2016/10/28/opinion/1477660333_481282.html (ultima consulta: 14 mayo 2026).

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The Candidate. Media relations handbook 

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

The text reviews The Candidate: A Media Relations Handbook (for politicians and journalists) (2008), by Julio César Herrero and Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá, as a practical handbook on political marketing aimed at managing the relationship between candidates and the media. It is emphasised that in Spain there is little literature ‘from within’ on this subject and that the central aim is to help communicate effectively in order to achieve electoral goals. The authors are briefly described and key ideas are introduced: political marketing seeks to ‘sell’ candidates and traditionally relied on the mainstream media, but today social media amplify phenomena such as filter bubbles. The handbook advises crafting messages that are impactful in form, using expressive resources without resorting to extravagance. Drawing on Sartori, it reflects on the power of the media and the risk of favouring celebrities over good leaders. It also distinguishes between anonymous sources and leaks, emphasising the journalistic duty to verify. In the post-truth era, ethical media coexists with disinformation and fake news. It is recommended to avoid technical jargon and to communicate clearly without oversimplifying. Finally, it lists the “principles of a good debater” and questions their compatibility with deliberative democracy, recalling the Sophist tradition and arguing that democratic quality depends on high-quality public deliberation.

Keywords: candidate, public deliberation, fake news, media, politics, politics as show business, rhetoric, sophists

In the series of posts about handbooks, this one will deal with the work The candidate. Media relations handbook (for politicians and journalists)/El candidato. Manual de relaciones con los medios (para políticos y periodistas), written by Julio César Herrero and Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá in 2008. It seems that political candidates have to deal with the media, and with journalists, to achieve their objectives. This book seeks to give practical and entertaining advice on various situations, and how best to deal with them, in the world of communication. 

Julio César Herrero is a journalist, university professor, writer and specialist in political communication and marketing born in Mieres, Asturias, in 1973. He holds a PhD in Journalism from the Complutense University of Madrid and has developed an outstanding career in the academic, journalistic and political consultancy fields. He maintains a personal website. 

Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá (Catarroja, Valencia, 1971) is a Spanish scriptwriter, creative artist, journalist, playwright and television format creator with a diverse career in media, advertising and political communication.

The following are commentaries of the excerpts from the book El candidato. Manual de relaciones con los medios (para políticos y periodistas), written by Julio César Herrero and Amalio Rodríguez Chuliá in the style of Minerva Strategy Blog.

“This book is, in essence, a political marketing handbook. Most of the literature that exists on the subject it deals with is American. Unfortunately, in Spain, hardly any texts have been published that deal, from the inside, with the subject of this one: the relations between politicians and the media from a practical point of view” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 11).

One of the usual objectives of marketing is to sell products and, by extension, political marketing seeks to sell candidates or parties in electoral contests. The goal of the latter is to get people to vote and the medium, traditionally, has been the mainstream media, especially television. Currently, social networks are of great importance, with phenomena such as the “filter bubbles“, where the personalisation of preferences for users on the network, means that they only receive news or messages in line with their ideology, and never views from other perspectives.  

“Shocking. Making statements that, not so much in substance but in form, catch the journalist’s attention is the best way for them to become a headline (in ‘cut’ and radio, in ‘soundbite’ for television). It is by no means about being alarming or extravagant in the statements, but it is about being original. The use of analogies, metaphors or other literary devices makes the language break out of the routine and catches the eye” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 49). 

In his work Homo Videns. La sociedad teledirigida/ Homo Videns: The Remote-Controlled Society, Sartori talked about how television changed democracy. It is worth reflecting on how social networks can change the practice of democratic societies, for example, by encouraging political activism or accountability, but also by giving fuel to demagogy and disinformation. 

One of the issues that Sartori points out is that what is relevant nowadays is to appear in the media; this gives media power, as opposed to the former prestige of intellectuals. When political parties look for a candidate, they prefer a profile such as a sportsman or an actor, or similar, who already have media power. However, the media power of someone does not guarantee that they have the virtues of a good governor or public representative.

“When journalists use information from unnamed sources, they often use expressions such as “according to well-informed sources”, “sources close to” or “according to one of the advisers”, depending on the extent to which the journalist wishes to indicate the provenance of the information.

Up to this point, reference has been made to circumstances where the journalist knows the identity of the source, but chooses not to reveal it. It is a different matter when the journalist does not know the identity of the source. In this case, we are dealing with a leak. Information that is always of interest to the journalist, but which he or she is unaware that he or she is providing it. It is the journalist’s obligation to check the data before publishing or disseminating it” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 72).

This is still the case in general terms, but there is a new element to take into account in the post-truth and social media era: disintermediation. There are conventional media, which are usually committed to the principles of professional journalistic ethics, such as the search for truth, impartiality or honesty. Nowadays, in social networks and in some media, issuers of disinformation coexist, which has several variants, the best known of which are fake news. There is great controversy about this concept, and its viability as a political weapon/etiquette, however, there is a broad consensus on its deliberate intention to deceive or confuse. Once again, we reiterate the importance of following the duties, values and virtues of journalistic deontology, which make up the ideal profile that information professionals must have.   

“Do not abuse technical jargon. Jargon, i.e. terms specific to a trade or profession, can be used in a speech as long as they are not abused. It depends on the audience you are addressing. If they are specialised listeners, there will be no problem in using terms that only the politician and the audience are familiar with: no one else should understand them, although this is not usual. But if the audience does not master a subject in which technical terms are frequently used, the politician will have to make an effort to translate these terms so that the listeners can understand what he or she is saying” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá, 2008, 107).  

This handbook with the media refers to the fact that the candidate must simplify complex issues or terms in order to be understood by wide audiences. Ortega y Gasset is credited with saying that clarity is the courtesy of the philosopher. It is important to be clear in public discourse, but one must know how to communicate well, at the risk of falling into simplification, manichaeism or demagoguery. Political issues do not usually have black/white solutions, but it is necessary for politics to become a good pedagogy to explain the management of the range of greys that make up public affairs. 

Fundamental principles of a good polemicist 

“1.-A good polemicist never tries to convince his opponent of anything. 

2.-A good polemicist chooses the sector of the audience he wants to address. 

3.-The good polemicist is the first to define the terms of the debate.

4.- A good polemicist prefers to ask questions rather than answer them. 

5.- A good polemicist repeats, repeats and, if there is time, repeats. 

6.- A good polemicist knows how to use the same argument in several ways. 

7.- A good polemicist, perhaps a very good debater, wins with his own weapons, but above all, fundamentally, with those of his opponent.

8.- The good polemicist handles fallacies to perfection and strives to prevent the other side from using them. If he succeeds, he exposes and ridicules them so that the audience can decide” (Herrero, Rodríguez Chuliá,2008, 124-134). 

I would like to conclude with reflections on the Fundamental Principles of the Good Polemicist, which is proposed in this handbook. As mentioned at the beginning, the aim of this work is political marketing from a practical perspective and, for such a goal, the effectiveness of this advice could be contextualised. 

The ideal of deliberative democracy, where debates allow for persuading and being persuaded, participants are rational and reasonable, and agreements can be forged based on fairness or unanimity, would seem to have limited effect in practical politics, as actors are more interested in following the tactics of good polemicists.

In the end, there is nothing new under the sun. Many centuries ago, the sophists educated in rhetorical tactics and strategies, to increase the power of conviction of their pupils, citizens of the polis of Athens, to debate public affairs in the Agora. This was a form of education for democracy, which was based on good polemicists. Now, as then, it is easier to fall into polemics than to engage in good dialogues, when it is obvious that the quality of democracy is improved by the quality of public deliberation. 

References

Herrero, Julio César, Rodríguez Chuliá, Amalio (2008), El candidato. Manual de relaciones con los medios (para políticos y periodistas), Sevilla, Zamora: Comunicación Social. Ediciones y Publicaciones.

Herrero, Julio César (2024),”JCH”, Available: https://juliocesarherrero.es

(Last visit: 2 de May 2026).

Sartori, Giovanni (2012), Homo videos. La sociedad teledirigida, Madrid: Taurus.

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Handbook of the perfect parliamentarian

Oscar Pérez de la Fuente

Carlos III University of Madrid

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3708-846X

Abstract

The text presents and discusses Mario Merlino’sManual del perfecto parlamentario(1981), a humorous work written at a time of political upheaval and aimed at promoting a culture of parliamentary life. A brief profile of the author (1948–2009) is provided; he was an Argentine-Spanish writer and translator renowned for his literary work.

Drawing on various passages, the text reflects on the figure of the parliamentarian as a ‘professional’ who requires the ability to manoeuvre, which may be associated with opportunism and a lack of principles; it seeks, however, to distinguish between the effectiveness of political techniques and the ethical legitimacy of the ends pursued. Parliament is highlighted as a central institution of democracy: a space where speech allows for the exchange of views, deliberation and the negotiation of agreements, despite historical criticisms such as those of Carl Schmitt, who regarded it as an empty formality.

Furthermore, the text examines ideological polarisation and the resurgence of identity-based conflicts (political correctness, cancellation culture), which may fuel sectarianism and alienate the public—particularly young people—from politics. It recalls the parliamentary origins of the terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ and Bobbio’s interpretation based on inequality. Finally, the ‘crisis’ is presented as an opportunity: crises reveal leadership and force decisions to be made, which is why Parliament should be a privileged forum for seeking solutions geared towards the common good.

Palabras clave: crisis, deliberation, Parliament, politics

We continue with the series dedicated to handbooks. On this occasion, the Manual del perfecto parlamentario (Handbook of the perfect parliamentarian) (1981) by Mario Merlino. It is a work with a markedly humorous tone, which was written at a time of political changes in Spain, and popularising work in favour of a political culture of parliamentarism was noteworthy. 

Mario-Jorge Merlino Tornini (1948-2009), Argentina/Spain, was a writer and literary translator of works mainly written in Portuguese, Italian and English. He studied at the University of Bahía Blanca and had a radio programme with his friend César Aria. He has translated, among other authors, Jorge Amado, Clarice Lispector, Lygia Bojunga Nunes and Ana María Machado. In 2004 he received the Spanish National Prize for best translation for Auto dos condenados, by António Lobo Antunes.

The Handbook of the Perfect Parliamentarian was written by Mario Merlino and published by Altalena in 1981. Excerpts from this book will be commented using the style of Minerva Strategy Blog.

“The parliamentarian is a rare professional, it is said, ‘professional of a badly organised job’. He or she is a trainee in public affairs. An Italian, Giovanni Sartori, speaks of the professionalisation of politics. From a characterological point of view, he stresses that the parliamentarian (that professional politician) must be able to manoeuvre -manipulative skills-and that this fact (malicious Sartori!) implies opportunism and lack of principles”(Merlino, 1981, 11).

The parliamentarian must have manipulative skills, which implies opportunism and lack of principle, as this Handbook suggests. A distinction should be made between technique and objectives. Good strategy involves using the best means to achieve the proposed objectives; it is purely a question of effectiveness. These means may include tactics and stratagems. Parliamentarians’ goals relate to justice or public ethics; however, since Machiavelli, a politician’s primary goal is often considered to be to stay in power, for which they become professionals.   

“Parliament, as a fundamental institution of democracy, and as its etymology indicates, is the place where people talk and chatter. We have not always thought about the importance of what it means to institute the power of speech. Of course, you will say that we often talk too much, or that words are pretexts for postponing solutions, and the good thing, if short, is twice as good, OK. But apart from that, the Parliament, properly understood, is the right place to confront opinions, discuss or dynamically put different positions on different problems” (Merlino, 1981, 14).

Carl Schmitt, in the 1930s, criticised the democratic parliament as an empty formality, showing autocracy as an alternative. Periodically, parliament, which is perfectible, is criticised. It is the place for negotiation and compromise. In addition to the competition for votes each election period, parliamentarians have a responsibility to ensure that their work is close to the interests of citizens and that they are properly accountable. Ideally, parliamentary debates should be complemented by deliberative mechanisms that involve the population in some way. 

“There is no way today that the ideology of the people of one side can be changed or improved by that of the other. The controversies of the sectarians are contrived and always false. Each ideology, which is generally a collection of commonplaces, defends itself by closing itself off like an oyster”. (Pío Baroja) quoted by (Merlino, 1981, 35).

From the ‘end of ideologies’ – Bell – or the ‘end of history’ – Fukuyama – we are moving to a stage of an apparent revival of conflicts, which are often based on identity-related issues rather than socio-economic explanations. Political correctness and the cancel culture are current examples of identity politics. Here the roles seem to have been reversed: the left, once utopian, seeks to regulate, prohibit and intervene, while the right, traditionally associated with conservatism, has become libertarian and, in a way, anarchist. It seems that the dynamics of sectarianism and polarisation are in the interest of some political sectors, but they make citizens, especially young people, uninterested in politics.  

“This left, centre and right thing, let’s face it, arose as a problem of geometrical arrangement and, no doubt, as a function of the architectural possibilities of parliamentary space. England’s oldest parliamentary democracy provides an example of the link between physical location and ideological choice. The Tories, ardent supporters of the monarchy, sat to the right of the speaker. The Whigs, on the other hand, were on the left. The French set the “parliamentary cliché” of the situation on the right, centre and left, equivalent respectively to the Montagnard, Girondins and Jacobins. These are the times of the Revolution” (Merlino, 1981, 38). 

Left and right are terms of parliamentary geometry, from the very beginning.  Faced with the disorientation of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Bobbio wrote Left and Right and focused the distinction on the different approaches to inequality. That is, whether redistribution of resources to the less advantaged is justified, whether by genetic lottery or by social circumstances. It is important that there is broad social – and political – consensus on the implementation of human rights, especially when it comes to social rights or minority rights. Some contents of public ethics in European countries have been incorporating these consensuses, while in other parts of the world, such as China or the United States, there are different perspectives. 

“Crisis: it is a word that produces fear because it is always used in a negative sense: what crisis, there is an economic, social, ideas, values, moral, religious and even marital crisis. 

A good parliamentarian should vindicate the fertilising power (with apologies) of the CRISIS. We must not forget that crisis is linked to criticism. To put in crisis means, fundamentally, to look for new ways to solve problems, that is, to solve, if you like, the crises that are so abundant in these times” (Merlino, 1981, 70).  

In times of crisis, there is a need for real leaders. Parliament can be a forum for providing solutions to crises. The etymological origin of the term krisis in Greek means “decision”, “judgement” or “turning point”. Crises should be seen as opportunities to improve and emerge stronger. Some commentators have the opinion that we are in a permanent crisis; even more reason why Parliament should be the place to seek solutions and take decisions for the common good. 

References

Merlino, Mario (1981), Manual del perfecto parlamentario, Madrid: Altalena.